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Remarks
by H.E. Dr. Kamal Kharrazi
Foreign
Minister of the Islamic Republic of Iran
at the Asia Society, New York
September 28, 1998
In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful
It is a great pleasure for me to be here today. I thank Asia
Society and its President, Ambassador Platt, for organizing
this meeting. The international situation has changed significantly
since I first addressed this society in 1992. The role of
Asia in particular has continued to become more significant
in shaping the international political and economic scene.
Asia, as the largest continent of the world, displays a meticulously
formed mosaic of a wide variety of peoples, societies, cultures
and civilizations.
This ancient land hosts some of the oldest democracies while
still tolerating sporadic instances of despotism. It is blessed
with economic prosperity and rapid growth and development
at the same time as it is doomed with abject poverty, economic
stagnation and despair. Its contemporary history is scarred
with some of the longest and most devastating conflicts, yet
it remains the symbol and the land of peace, tranquility and
tolerance. It is not without reason that Asia fascinates the
world and events in Asia attract serious attention throughout
the globe.
Some of the world's pressing economic, political and security
dilemmas are unfolding in Asia. The East and South East Asia
are facing economic woos whose ripple effects are felt around
the globe following two consecutive decades of miraculous
success. This is also affecting political stability domestically
and regionally, and the area as a whole is filled with uncertainty.
South Asia has come under sharp international focus in the
aftermath of nuclear tests conducted by India and Pakistan,
which have caused concern in the region and beyond. Tension
escalated as the result in the area and the future has become
unpredictable. At the global level, nuclear non proliferation
regime has also suffered a major setback. This has also added
to the complexity of an already volatile situation in the
Middle East and the threat posed by Israeli nuclear arsenal.
The Persian Gulf has gone through two atrocious wars which
have resulted in excessive build-up of arms and a continuous
erosion of confidence. As the largest source of world energy
the Persian Gulf is in dire need of durable peace and stability.
Security in the Persian Gulf is vital to sustained viability
of the international economic and industrial development.
On the other side, challenge and opportunity are closely intertwined
in Central Asia as the riches of the Caspian Sea invite new
intricacies to the political and economic equation. International
oil producers are showing much interest to explore the vast
reserves lying over the land and under the sea, even as complex
issues of complementation of the legal regime of this closed
body of water remain to be settled. Central Asian Republics
are, at the same time, undergoing the tumultuous process of
state building and economic diversification.
In the greater political and geographic landscape of Central
Asia, the unfolding developments in Afghanistan has given
rise to a phenomenon which is fast turning into the gravest
destabilizing force in the region and elsewhere. Taliban are
not just a menace, massacring Afghans, suppressing women,
trafficking in narcotics and arms and exporting terrorism,
they are in fact an alarming tendency threatening the very
fabric of Islamic societies from North Africa to South East
Asia.
Situated on the web of such massive potential and turmoil,
Iran becomes inadvertently wedded to all these prominent regional
and global strategic issues and challenges. This, we realize
places a massive burden and a natural responsibility on our
shoulder; a responsibility historically shouldered by Iran
emanating from its geo-strategic position on the crossing
point of Asia from the rest of the world.
There is, therefore, direct and intrinsic bearing on Iran's
domestic and international outlook. National interest for
Iran cannot be divorced from these realities. Thus, regional
stability and prosperity are not simply an option, but an
absolute necessity for Iran.
Following 25 decades of autocratic rule, Iran, since the Islamic
Revolution, is experimenting a unique process of establishment
of democratic institutions on the basis of Islamic teachings,
and thus presenting a model of a modern democratic religious
government. This, we assert, is essential for durable long
term stability of Iran and for ensuring its continuous and
persistent contribution to the stability of the region. Building
consensus in a polity with vast and extensive diversity of
views and opinion and a free and active press can be indeed
challenging and sometimes even painstakingly slow. This is
particularly so with regard to foreign policy, as Iranians
are heavily involved and interested in foreign affairs primarily
due to our collective historical memory. We consider this
an advantage and our point of strength that our foreign policy
has to be articulated under the watchful eyes of the leadership,
policy formulating institutions, opinion-makers, media, people
and their representatives.
Recent polls have shown consistently that a significant majority
of Iranians strongly support the direction of our foreign
policy. According to one poll, taken three weeks ago, sixty
eight percent approve the overall performance of the government
in foreign affairs. Much of this is owed to President Khatami's
emphasis on adopting policies and initiatives around the guiding
principle of replacing confrontation and tension with dialogue
and understanding; a policy that has also received the unreserved
blessing of the leader of the Islamic Revolution.
Tension stems from a sense of supremacy, discrimination and
exclusion. It seeks to stress on the negative and suppress
the positive. It feeds on misperception and disinformation.
It undermines mutual economic benefits to serve unilateral
political interests. It breads intolerance, hostility and
mistrust. It is in short a recipe for confrontation and instability.
Dialogue, instead, calls for parity of parties and searches
common grounds for cooperation. It aims at friendship, tolerance
and mutual understanding and confidence. It requires rationality,
wisdom and transparency. It is in short a strategy for sustainable
peace, tranquility and prosperity.
Active pursuit of this policy priority has resulted in a gradual
but steady transformation of Iran's relations with its major
partners in its neighborhood, the region and across the globe.
A better understanding of Iran and Islamic Revolution seems
to be emerging. The fixated and frozen images are crumbling.
Iranophobia is on the retreat and anti-Iranian commodities
are no longer marketable in the market place of strategy and
politics. The election of President Khatami reopened the eyes
of the world to the realities of today's Iran and cleared
the dust that had covered the air for two decades. This, of
course, was only natural. The image of Islam -- the religion
of compassion, tolerance and justice, and the name of Iran
-- the cradle of civilization and culture, as well as the
positive role of true Islam in the daily lives of Iranian
people and their government could not for long be obscured
under a campaign of misinformation and defamation.
The OIC Summit in Tehran was indeed a turning point as it
provided an opportunity to enhance common understanding among
Muslim states and to rejuvenate efforts towards peace and
permanent friendship and a momentum for a more friendly environment.
On the bilateral level, Iranian-Arab relations are improving
on a rapid pace. Our relations with all Persian Gulf Arab
states are evolving to a solid bind, in line with the strong
wish and desire of our nations. Our ties with Saudi Arabia
are serving particularly to strengthen security and stability
in the Persian Gulf and the Muslim world at large. Let me
reiterate here the invitation issued last week by President
Khatami in the General Assembly to countries in the Persian
Gulf to embark upon the formation of a security and cooperation
arrangement in this area.
You have all seen the steady progress in Iran-Europe relations.
As you are aware, there has been a tremendous amount of economic
relationship with the European countries. The political interaction,
however, had lagged behind for some time. Reassessing the
indispensable role of Iran, Europe seems now to have prepared
itself for a fuller engagement in all areas including political
relationships. We have welcomed this, as we too believe that
Europe's role in promoting peace and security in the region
can be useful. And I believe there is a lot of potential that
together we can and will explore.
Interest in Europe and elsewhere in investment in Iran is
rapidly growing in all areas including in the oil and gas
sector. Several major downstream and upstream projects in
the oil and gas field are on the table for participation of
European, Russian, Canadian, Japanese and other major oil
companies. Negotiations are being held to prepare long term
contracts on exploration, marketing and transit, including
pipeline projects. Iran is also involved with its partners
in discussions in the areas of mining, heavy and light industries,
telecommunications, road and transport, and other fields.
Our Administration is making the necessary adjustments to
facilitate and protect foreign investment. This constitutes
a major component of President Khatami's recent economic revitalization
program.
The United States in the meantime is still struggling to appreciate
and adapt to the new realities and is stagnated in revising
its policy and approach. The new tone of Secretary Albright's
June 17 statement towards the Islamic Republic and the great
Iranian nation, which was later echoed by President Clinton,
indicates a departure from the past. Some have interpreted
these changes as representing an emerging tendency to revisit
past US policies. Indeed, the real meaning and value of these
new words become evident once they are corroborated by a change
of American policy against Iran. This is particularly the
case as the United States still speaks with multiple voices,
and hence a change of tone by itself does not connote a commitment
for substantive policy revision.
While we see the emergence of a new tone in the United States,
old unfounded allegations are yet to cease. It is evident
that prolongation of outdated behavior, and sole reliance
on variation in verbiage, can simply not provide the necessary
basis for an invitation to political dialogue. I must underline
that Iran builds its relations with other states on independence,
parity and mutual respect and behavior that undermines these
principles cannot be accepted.
Following the collapse of the communist bloc, the world is
fast moving away from a uni-polar international order. But,
in our view, the United States political leadership remains
preoccupied with cold war mentality and has fallen behind
fundamental changes on the eve of the new millennium.
In her description and analysis of the US foreign policy towards
Iran, Secretary Albright intends apparently to justify the
wrongful past. A clear indication is the attempt to explain
American support for the Shah's authoritarian regime on the
pretext of containing the spread of global totalitarian influence.
The US direct intervention in the 1953 military coup which
resulted in years of suppression and torture and deprivation
of Iranian people from their liberty and civil rights has
thus been considered as exigencies of the Cold War; exigencies
which gave way to prolonged presence of suppressive regimes
from Israel to South Africa and from Latin America to Asia.
With same reasoning the United States continues its one-sided
support of Israel which, in practice, has encouraged Israel's
expansionist policies against the rightful demands and will
of the Palestinians, Moslems and peoples and governments of
the region. The presentation of such unreasonable rationalizations
for past policies keeps the Iranian people from gaining mutual
confidence in the future.
American people have become evermore aware, I believe, that
current US policies betray their interests more than anyone
else; a nation that deserves to participate in and share on
equal footing man's progress towards a better future. We anticipate
that the US Government too would sooner or later conclude
that its policies undermine US credibility and interests.
In a new world with complex problems that demand multilateral
cooperation, the United States has become conspicuous for
its unilateralism and lack of commitment to international
law. The United States has imposed unilateral sanctions against
seventy countries. Not merely other states, but in fact American
investors and companies have suffered from these policies.
Hence, a decision by the United States to live up to its international
undertakings would be instrumental in allaying the concerns
of the people throughout the world.
US policies aimed at retarding economic prosperity of Iran
and the region remain in place, despite their harmful implications
for free and rule-based global commerce and trade on the one
hand, and regional stability and progress on the other. Direct
and secondary sanctions against Iran and its American and
third country trading partners are being vigorously pursued.
The United States even continues to actively oppose and obstruct,
to the detriment of American companies and European and regional
countries, the transfer of gas and oil from Central Asia and
the Caucasus through Iran, neglecting economic, technical
and environmental advantages of this option.
Economic pressure against the Islamic Republic of Iran is
also being applied through continuation of freezing of Iranian
assets and properties, exertion of influence in international
financial, monetary and trade organizations against Iranian
interests and impeding the transfer of advanced technology
for peaceful purposes to Iran.
While maintenance of international peace and security is the
declared global priority of the United States, and in spite
of Secretary Albright's recognition of the role the Islamic
Republic in regional security and stability, US efforts to
sabotage this undeniable constructive and pivotal role continue
to be commonplace.
Interference in internal affairs of Iran has also persisted
with little regard for bilateral and international obligations
of the United States. The unlawful congressional allocation
of budget to undermine the Iranian Government remains a part
of US law, which was recently further augmented by the establishment
of a radio station to wage a propaganda campaign against the
Islamic Republic. Official organs of the United States Government
have yet to cease their financial and political support for
Iranian terrorists who continue to operate in the US territory
through front organizations.
Meanwhile, the United States has construed any resistance
against aggression and occupation as terrorism, thereby considering
sympathy for victims of such aggression and occupation as
support and sponsorship of terrorism. Moving from such erroneous
perception, the United States imposes unlawful coercive measures
against those countries who are unwilling to compromise on
their dignity and independence.
We are determined to follow the balanced policy of expansion
of relations with countries in the region as well as other
countries. Logically, the United States' active pursuit of
the policies I have already outlined and the absence of visible
signs of its intention or ability to change course are hardly
compatible with the proposal to develop a road map to change
the state of affairs. This is because there is no ground for
political negotiations, while these policies continue. In
line with underlying principles of our foreign policy, the
approach of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards the United
States will be commensurate with changes in US behavior towards
Iran.
Let me once again reiterate that Iran -- in keeping with its
fundamental beliefs, its deep-rooted civilizational heritage
and the principles of the Islamic Revolution, which laid the
foundations of our Republic -- seeks a peaceful and tranquil
global order of human dignity and mutual respect. It is on
this sound foundation that we have encouraged dialogue between
nations and cultures, and embarked upon eliminating tension
as our top foreign policy priority.
In his last week's address to the General Assembly, President
Khatami highlighted the need to focus global attention on
the promotion of dialogue among cultures and civilizations.
He invited the international community to begin the next millennium
with a renewed commitment to strengthen the foundations of
mutual confidence and to designate the year 2001 as the United
Nations Year of Civilizational Dialogue.
It was with this mind set and approach that President Khatami
took the initiative of establishing dialogue with the American
people. He relied on the two peoples to foster mutual understanding
and remove misperceptions and mistrust. And with that he elevated
the level of discourse between Iranian and American people
from engulfment in daily politicking to dialogue and mutual
enrichment between two cultures and civilizations. In spite
of wide reactions within the United States and elsewhere in
the world to President Khatami's interview, its magnitude
and depth are yet to be fully grasped.
President Khatami followed the initiative of launching people-to-
people contacts by opening a new door in his gathering with
leading American and foreign journalists in New York last
week, by announcing that Iran will not block the participation
of American business community in Iranian economic projects.
This, for our part, paves the road for economic engagement.
In other areas, there are other important issues of global
concern where Iran is prepared to participate actively and
constructively. I wish to stress three important areas: the
international campaign against narcotics, terrorism and weapons
of mass destruction.
Iran is on the front line of the global war on narcotic trafficking.
We concurred in last week's meeting on Afghanistan that the
war is becoming ever more dangerous and deadly as Taliban,
with their official patronage of drug lords, are gaining more
territory in Afghanistan. This is a fight that requires massive
resources, political will and international cooperation and
coordination.
The same resolute determination is required in the fight against
terrorism. It is evident that all should condemn terrorism
in all its forms and manifestations and regardless of its
victims or perpetrators. We certainly do so. As we have seen
time and again, this is not a menace that could be eradicated
through accusations, politically motivated statements or coercive
measures, and can only be tackled through serious, global
and transparent cooperation, depriving all terrorists, and
I underline all, of opportunities to carry out their deadly
game. We detect some signs that such cooperation may be emerging,
we welcome it, and we will always be ready for it. As a step
in this direction, Iran and Russia issued a joint statement
on terrorism on Saturday, which inter alia indicated our agreement
that States should not give safe haven to terrorists or allow
or acquiesce that terrorists and their associates use their
territories to instigate, plan, finance or support terrorist
activities in other countries. We also declared our commitment
to become party to international instruments in this regard
at the earliest possible time. Let me underline that international
cooperation of this sort can be instrumental in eradicating
this global problem.
Finally, the threat of weapons of mass destruction can only
be removed by eradicating them. While we have already made
good progress on biological and chemical weapons -- and Iran
has been and will remain an active participant in all these
arrangements, agreement on the total elimination of all nuclear
weapons is yet to materialize. The recent tests in South Asia
have shown the urgency of this global imperative, but at the
same time underlined the necessity of international cooperation
to prevent a fading of the credibility of the non-proliferation
regime. Iran has indicated its readiness to actively contribute
to the Task Force to strengthen the NPT. And as a preliminary
step, Iran has been promoting the idea of nuclear weapon free
zones.
Let me conclude by stressing that the end of the cold war
has provided an opportunity to move beyond old conceptions
of exclusion and confrontation and define new outlooks and
policies on the solid foundations of dialogue and understanding.
Iran has taken the initiative in spearheading the global campaign
to promote this in words and deeds. We invite all others to
seriously consider the imperative of taking far-sighted practical
steps to break away from old mentalities and practices.
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