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Keynote
Address
Asia Society AustralAsia Centre
Asia Foreign Policy Update Luncheon
H. E. Mr. Yashwant Sinha
Minister for External Affairs, Government of India
Melbourne, August 29, 2003
Mr. Hugh Morgan, Chairman of the Asia Society AustralAsia
Centre,
Mr. Richard Woolcott, Founding Director, Asia Society AustralAsia
Centre,
Excellencies, Distinguished members of business and industry,
Ladies and Gentleman,
It is a privilege for me to speak to this distinguished gathering
assembled today, and I would like to thank the Asia Society
AustralAsia Centre for making it possible. The subject of
my talk today is the Dynamics of India’s Foreign Policy
in a Globalising World and its Impact on India-Australia Relations.
India, in the fifty six years of its independence, has witnessed
some extraordinary developments: the consolidation of the
world’s largest parliamentary democracy, the establishment
of an equitable social order supported by a fiercely independent
judicial system, one of world’s most unique agricultural
achievements, the empowerment of Indian women (my wife is
here as proof of that) the powerful revitalization of scientific
traditions, and the creation of a superbly capable human resource
base.
We must not forget either the huge and prosperous middle-class,
the outreach of a confident business community, the free and
ever alert media, the development and blossoming of the Indian
arts, and the great energy of the Indian entertainment industry.
Nor should we ignore the successes of the 20-million strong
Indian Diaspora, who, owing to their hard work and adaptability,
are among the most affluent and educated of all ethnic communities
in different parts of the world they even run for office occasionally.
In achieving all this, Indians have not had to sacrifice
any of their fundamental rights, their diversity, their love
of tradition, their attachment to family values or their democratic
and secular norms.
India, ladies and gentlemen, is more than anything else defined
by the determination of her billion strong people.
Let me cite one example of how Indian skills are contributing
to the success of some of our economic partners. The giant
Long Term Credit Bank of Japan, which was in deep financial
morass, saw itself turn around with the help of a thousand
Indian professionals who completely re-engineered the banks
processes in just two years. They did this at an implementation
cost 90% less than estimated. The Indian company provided
a complete solution, reorganizing the bank’s functions
around a fresh business model based on their knowledge of
financial markets, of new financial products, of modern commercial
banking and accountancy, and of the complicated software and
hardware to go with the new functions.
Friends, at the national level, we are expecting our growth
rate to reach a stable 7% within the next one or two years,
the target is 8% over the next 10-20 years. Inflation in India
has been under strict control for many years now, and our
foreign exchange reserves are a robust US$86 billion and racing
to cross the US$100 billion mark.
India used to be a country beset with perpetual food shortages.
From an importer of food grains, today, we have emerged as
the seventh largest exporter of food grains in the world,
it should be of some interest to Australia.
You would also be interested to hear of the recent decision
of the Government of India to lend funds to the IMF, politely
decline aid from a string of countries, prepay US $3 billion
of our loans to the World Bank and the ADB, write off debts
owed to us by several poor countries, and give aid to many
others.
This then friends is India. It is an India confident of being
a key player in a globalising world. And this confidence shapes
our foreign policy.
Our foreign policy was and is designed to preserve our national
identity as a pluralistic, democratic and secular society,
defend our territorial integrity and our sovereignty, and
create an environment conducive to the security and well-being
of our people. We place the highest priority on developing
friendly and mutually beneficial relations with all our neighbours.
At the same time, we are also stepping up significantly our
engagement with the rest of the world, especially the major
powers.
For example, India’s relationship with China is changing
in response to the dynamics operating in the two countries,
as well as regionally and globally. In the last few years,
our relationship has developed and diversified in many areas
and at many levels. The level of mutual understanding which
has been achieved is exemplified by our success in maintaining
relative peace and tranquility for nearly three decades along
a border which extends for about 3500 kilometres and where
there are clear differences of perception. Especially noteworthy
is the increased emphasis on the economic aspect of our relationship.
Our bilateral trade has shot up from around US$200 million
in the early nineties to around US$5 billion in 2002. This
year we hope to reach US$ 7 billion. Indian business and industry
have overcome their initial apprehensions of Chinese business
and are strengthening their linkages with their Chinese counterparts.
Similarly, our engagement with the United States continues
to grow and become more broad-based. This follows Prime Minister
Vajpayee and President Bush’s commitment to complete
the process of qualitatively transforming the bilateral relationships.
The strategic dimension is assuming greater weight in our
relationship with the US. The National Security Strategy document,
released by President Bush in September 2002, spoke about
building a strategic relationship with India in a global context.
We see a convergence of interests in stabilizing the Asia-Pacific
region; combating terrorism; preventing proliferation of WMD
and delivery systems; ensuring the security of sea-lanes;
securing access to the energy resources and markets in the
region; and managing consequences of instability from conflicts
and failure of states.
We do not see India-US relations in the context of any other
country or regional equations or even alliance systems, nor
is this relationship going to be at the expense of any other
relationship. At the same time, an integral part of our strategic
dialogue is exchange of views on a regular basis on great
powers, on countries in our neighbourhood, in other parts
of Asia and other regions of the world.
If one sees the demographics and the current trends of economic
growth, it is apparent that the growth of the world economy
in the next decade will be powered by Asia. Asians are now
focusing their policies on expanding domestic demand and investment,
and not just on increasing exports. They are becoming consumers
instead of remaining only exporters. The Asian consumer is
set to drive global demand in the coming years, as did the
American consumer in the 1990s. In this scenario, by virtue
of their population and size, countries like China and India
will play a significant role in the demand and use of technology,
in FDI flows, and in the new equilibrium of economic power.
India and Australia have been the two countries in Asia,
apart from China to have weathered, to a large extent, the
global economic slowdown of the recent years. This indicates
a certain degree of economic resilience that augurs well for
the formation of business alliances on a long term basis.
Now that we see signs of global recovery, the time is best
for us to exploit the opportunities that are again opening
up. To support a more dynamic and intensive trade and investment
relationship, at the government level, we have together put
in place the requisite agreements and structures relating
to taxation, investment protection, cooperation in IT, etc.
Australia has strengths in the old economy and ambitions
in the new. India has a similar profile in some respects.
We do, however, still have needs in the old economy even as
we have special competence in the new economy. Therein, lies
the confluence of our business interests. While there have
been direct Australian investments in India of the order of
A$ 1 billion so, Indian investments in Australia also have
been of a similar amount. Two large recent investments in
Western Australia have been the A$ 650 million capital injection
into a liquid ammonia plant in the Burrup Peninsula and the
A$ 180 million acquisition of the Strait’s copper mine
in Nifty. Indian investments have also been visible in the
mining sector in Tasmania and Queensland. In the area of new
economy, Indian software giants have set up Software Development
Centres in Sydney and Melbourne. These complementarities of
interest through mutual investment creates jobs and opportunities
in both countries.
Areas with promising potential for cooperation between our
two countries include IT, biotechnology, drugs and pharmaceuticals,
infrastructure development, power, agricultural produce and
processing, mining, oil and natural gas, water management,
soil conservation and waste disposal, film and television
industry, tourism and education.
But perhaps, we can try and look even further ahead. Both
Australia and India have in place free trade agreements with
some countries, and we are each in the process of negotiating
some others. I am happy to inform you in this context that
my distinguished counterpart, Mr. Alexander Downer and I agreed
yesterday to establish a study group on comprehensive economic
cooperation between our two countries. This expert group will
look at the potential of cooperation before the 2 countries
and create a roadmap for the future.
A close partnership between India and Australia is important
for the peace and the stability of the Asia Pacific region.
India has civilisational and historic links with the Asia-Pacific.
People of Indian origin are present in almost all the countries
of the region and play a significant part in the business
and professional activities there. Australia has a maritime
border with these countries. The fundamentals that are already
in place, therefore, put us in a unique position to contribute
to peace and prosperity of the region. This cooperation is
particularly important since the Asia-Pacific region faces
some formidable challenges such as the increasing nexus of
trafficking in drugs and illegal arms, smuggling of people,
armed piracy and above all terrorism.
Both India and Australia, as littoral states of the Indian
Ocean, had done pioneering work in trying to evolve an Indian
Ocean community. This community is yet to find its true measure
of success through collaboration, but the rich opportunities
for trade and commerce should not be forgotten.
Our two countries share the fundamental ideals of democracy,
political moderation, opposition to terrorism, and commitment
to good governance. Thus in the Indian Ocean and the Asia-Pacific
region as a whole, our two countries are obvious partners
in any future arrangement for a stable balance of power. From
preventing failed states becoming havens for terrorism to
cooperation in protecting the sea lanes of the Indian Ocean,
there is scope for a broader and deeper agenda between Australia
and India. The challenge, therefore, is quickly and effectively
put enough ballast in our relationship.
As an international community, we are seeking to free the
flow of ideas and opportunities for creating greater global
wealth. But we have so far not succeeded in the fundamental
matter of ensuring the security of our people, who initiate
and energize this flow, and work to enable us benefit from
it. The death tolls of innocent people in the attacks of September
11 in New York, in the recent atrocities in Jakarta, and in
the unceasing and brutal terrorist violence in India exemplified
by the bomb blasts in Mumbai recently underscore this first
and essential need.
Terror crosses boundaries with great ease. But, we are hamstrung
in our cooperative war against terror because some of us still
have not given up our political expediencies and excuses.
As an international community we are paralyzed. We cannot
join hands to fight terror because we have tied ourselves
up in a mesh of fruitless definitions and dialectics. If we
continue to take recourse to double standards, if we continue
to talk of the clash of civilizations and root causes, then
we have lost the war against terror. We have let the terrorists
across the globe laugh their bloody laugh again and yet again.
Terrorism is the greatest challenge to democratic societies
and to world order. India believes that there can be no duality
of approach in dealing with the scourge of terrorism. Only
a singularity of purpose. In this context, I am happy to say
that the Australian leadership shares our views, and that
Foreign Minister Downer, and I were able to conclude a Memorandum
of Understanding on Counter Terrorism within the framework
of the India- Australia Ministerial Dialogue yesterday.
One dynamic of globalisation is the increase in students
traveling abroad for higher education. India has itself become
a choice destination for foreign students from Asia and Africa
who come to pursue professional courses in engineering, IT,
management studies, biotechnology, journalism, agricultural
sciences, etc. They are aware that India provides world-class
education at a fraction of the cost, and that our universities
are becoming increasingly foreign-student friendly. Likewise,
Australia is an important destination for Indian university
students. It is in our interest to afford the student community
the respect and dignity that they deserve. It is worth adopting
attitudes that avoid treating every student with suspicion
as a potential illegal immigrant. Otherwise, we will have
scarred with early bitterness the memories of those who are
the best envoys to our globalised future.
Australia is home to a small but successful community of
people of Indian origin. They are proud residents of your
country who have contributed to Australia's growth and progress
through their commitment and hard work. They are an integral
part of your multicultural ethos, enriching it and enriched
by it.
There exists a strong bond in the form of our shared history
during the two world wars when Australians and Indian soldiers
fought and won the two world wars by standing shoulder to
shoulder. The Commonwealth war cemetery in Syria, Turkey,
Egypt and in many places in South East Asia are testimonies
to this. This strong bondage continued later in sports and
culture. Our film industry has become Australia’s tourism
Ambassador in India. The Sydney Harbour Bridge and Melbourne
tram are popular scenes in Bollywood movies.
Today a large number of visitors from India travel to Australia.
Our businessmen, academicians and professionals seek here
in Australia the most productive interaction. So when I come
to Australia, I bring with me our expectation of the energy
that will characterize future India-Australia relations in
different fields, and of the great promise that exists in
enhancing these bilateral exchanges.
I cannot but convey that my delegation considers this visit
as most substantial and successful. We have been able to reinforce
the bonds of our friendship and embark on new areas in our
partnership. It is people who weave unbreakable ties between
nations. And we are fortunate that we have such highly-skilled,
dynamic, outward-looking and creative people in both our countries.
We have with us here today Mr. Richard Woolcott, whom I believe,
once described India-Australia relations as defined by three
C’s – Commonwealth, curry and cricket. Friends,
we have now moved far ahead of the three C’s and are
today in the process of forging a modern and more energetic
Australia-India partnership that truly reflects the spirit
of the 21st century. I am convinced that this relationship
will not only enrich us bilaterally but also bring peace and
security to our region.
Thank you.
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